Friday, 28 February 2014

Attitudes: Ontology, Methodology, Impact

By Mark Elliot

In the special section on attitudes, published in the February 2014 issue of Sociological Research Online, we offer some reflections on the attitude and its role within the social sciences and sociology in particular. Our central point is that the concept is pervasive in social science, and yet for a disciplinary environment where reflective criticism is the norm and where constructs are constantly questioned, the attitude has had a remarkably easy ride. Part of the issue here is that the attitude was largely developed within psychology and in a sense that discipline has done its work. It is time that the concept was subjected to sociological scrutiny: for sociology to claim it, critique it, develop it.

The attitude as a social construct emerged out of mentalistic psychology in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Spencer (1862) was amongst the first to use the term in his work First Principles where he refers to “attitude of mind”. An early distinction, probably attributable to the sociologist Ellsworth Faris (1925), was between the perceptual and behavioural conceptualisations (or perhaps aspects) of the attitude. Although most scholars did not see this distinction as functional, it was an early pointer to an ontological and methodological issue that still remains: the apparent disjunction between attitudes (as we measure them) and behaviour (as we observe it). Notwithstanding this conundrum, it is fair to summarise this early theorising as the view of the attitude as an encapsulation of the intentional relationship between a (human) agent and its environment.

The blossoming of cognitive social psychology between the 1940s and the 1970s, brought the attitude to the forefront of psychology as a social science. In parallel with this manifestation was the explosion of the social survey as mechanism for social measurement. Early surveys did not focus greatly on attitudes. Indeed, Roger Jowell, in his introduction to the first British Social Attitudes survey (carried out in 1983) remarked “Public attitudes are as much a part of social reality as are behaviour patterns, social conditions or demographic characteristics, but their measurement has never been accorded the same priority” (Jowell and Airey 1984). Thirty years on, many modern day social surveys do include a significant tranche of questions canvassing the respondent’s attitudes.

During the 1980s an intellectual shift began within psychology. It had always sat between the sciences and humanities, but around this time its relationship with the sciences, most notably neurology and computer science, strengthened markedly. Consequently, the pure social psychological scholarship which had driven much of the early work on attitudes became less prevalent and for the past thirty years we have seen a large scale increase in the application of the concept of the attitude within the social sciences with very little work on the corresponding theory and methodology. So we (the social sciences outside of psychology) are in an uncomfortable position. We are using a construct - the attitude - which we have essentially imported from psychology, arguably somewhat uncritically. Given the raging debates that can often occur within our disciplines around key theoretical and methodological constructs, this is an odd state of affairs indeed.

Hence, the major driver for us in producing this special section is our view that sociology should now claim this construct as its own. We should develop theory as to its ontological status and the methodology with which to capture and analyse it, and assess the impact that it has (at both micro and macro levels).  The central scholarly enquiry here is: what is the role of the attitude in social science?  This enquiry has numerous more specific spin-offs: How important is the attitude for policy and decision making? How central is it to the social science collective and to our individual disciplines and fields?  What type of entity is it? Is an attitude an expression of agency or merely a third party description of (self)-observed consistencies?

One might observe that these types of enquiry are inherently sociological and perhaps the flip side of this is that many sociological enquiries are inherently attitudinal. Core fields of sociological enquiry - stratification, gender, social class, social movements and culture - all seem to contain attitudinal elements. Several of the papers in the special section consider this relationship explicitly. Voas calls for a more sociological perspective on attitudes, moving beyond “the individual likes and dislikes described by psychologists”. Watt and Elliot tackle this relationship from the other direction, speculating on the notion that social theories might be representable as attitudinal types.

A key discussion in the attitudes literature is the relationship between attitudes and other constructs.  Several of the papers reflect on this issue. Voas tries to make clear the distinction between attitudes and other social psychological constructs (values, beliefs, feelings and behaviour). Watt and Elliot make an essentially methodological case for disconnecting the attitude from actual behaviour, preferring the term imagined behaviour. Kulnin and Seymer provide evidence on how what is articulated by the political elite moderates the relationship between values and attitudes. Paterson views social attitudes as mediating constructs between education and social participation.

Methodologically, all of the papers use, at least in part, social survey data. However for Chattoe-Brown these data are simply a way of improving the performance of agent based models of attitude dynamics, whilst for Devine and Robinson as well as Voas they are primarily the objects of study rather than analytical media.

To conclude, the attitude has de facto a long history within the social sciences, but as Voas states in his article “The sociology of attitudes is both well established and surprisingly underdeveloped.” This state of affairs seems undesirable both for the study of attitudes and for the social science disciplines that engage with the concept. The articles here provide a selection of perspectives on how a new social science of attitudes might be taken forward.

References
FARIS, E. (1925) ‘The Concept of Social Attitudes’ Journal of Applied Sociology, 9 p. 404-409.
JOWELL, R.  and AIREY, C. (Eds) (1984). British Social Attitudes: the 1984 Report. Gower: Aldershot.
SPENCER (1862) First Principles Appleton cited in Allport (1954)

 

 

Thursday, 14 November 2013

Collisions, Coalitions and Riotous Subjects: A Special Section of Sociological Research Online reflecting on the English Riots of 2011

by Kim Allen, Sumi Hollingworth, Ayo Mansaray and Yvette Taylor


*Education and Social Research Institute (ESRI), Manchester Metropolitan University; Weeks Centre for Social and Policy Research Centre, London South Bank University; Brunel University; Weeks Centre for Social and Policy Research Centre, London South Bank University

In an autumn in which the New Statesman commissions Russell Brand to guest edit an issue on Revolution, and organised protest gets into full swing with the Bonfire of Austerity, a spate of public sector strikes, and the Anonymous linked Million Masked March on Guy Fawkes night, riotous resistance is the talk of Britain. What perfect timing then for a special section of Sociological Research Online on reflections on the English Riots of 2011. While in 2012 we saw the marketing of the London Olympics as an attempt to erase the troubled and troubling memories of the Riots, in 2013 unemployment rates continue to rise and welfare cuts deepen, and we have seen growing anger and political disenchantment amongst various sections of society.

Over five nights in the summer of 2011, as austerity measures were coming into full biting force, England witnessed riots across several cities including London, Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, Bristol, and Nottingham. Sparked by the fatal police shooting of Mark Duggan, a 29-year old black man from Tottenham, North London, these five days saw unrest on the streets of England.   In this special section, with papers from academics across a range of disciplines and career stages, we consider how to 'reflect' on the dis-ordering and dis-orientating effects of recirculating inequalities which locate crime, blame and failure in the most disadvantaged places, while retrieving order, safety and resources for the most advantaged populations.

The papers in this special section emerged from a conference entitled 'Collisions, Coalitions and Riotous Subjects: The Riots One Year On', held on the 28th September 2012.  Organized by the Weeks Centre for Social and Policy Research (London South Bank University) and the Institute for Policy Studies in Education (London Metropolitan University), the conference, and the resulting special section, sought to examine the English riots of 2011 and its relationships to (re-shaped) inequalities in contemporary Britain and beyond.

Our commitment to this topic two years on from the event is about keeping riots on the political and academic agenda. It is worth remembering that, two years later, we still do not know the details of that fateful sequence of events in which Mark Duggan was shot and many questions remain unanswered.  This is also about a broader commitment to public sociology.  Just as the British Sociological Association (BSA) launch a new ‘Activism in Sociology’ forum, this special collection reminds us of our responsibility as sociologists to place ourselves in public debates about inequality and injustice, to 'walk through' the places we inhabit, personally, politically and professionally (Back 2007; Taylor & Addison 2011). At the time of the riots, sociological analysis was criticized and dismissed by our political elites as offering an 'excuse' for something for which there was 'no excuse' (see Bassel 2013). Prime Minister David Cameron (2011) claimed that the ‘sickening’ events of that week were caused by ‘mindless criminality’ and a ‘twisted moral code’, rather than the consequence of social conditions generated by punitive government policies.

Just as Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher said there was 'no justification' for the 1981 riots, we are concerned that this discourse of 'no excuses' shuts down opportunities to understand why such events might have happened, casting sociologists – casting us – as 'kill joys' for dwelling on this melancholic event (Ahmed 2007). As sociologists, we are concerned that, if the English Riots are considered 'over', bracketed off in the summer of 2011, something is left lurking, still reverberating and still impacting. Attending to these questions necessitates a 'looking back' as well as an articulation of 'what next?', and these concerns form the focus of themes for this special section.

This section consists of four think pieces and seven full papers, covering issues as diverse as parenting, youth, racism, place and belonging, classification and the ‘underclass’ discourse, consumer culture, and public sociology.  There are several shared themes which cut across this rich collection of papers, detailed briefly below.

 Conceptualizing the riots - where to turn?:  From discourses of ‘feral youth’ to those of ‘apolitical rioters’, how sense was made of the riots is a key theme within this special section. Several contributors – including Jennie Bristow, Emma Casey, Harriet Cooper, Tracey Jensen, Lisa Mckenzie,  Antoine Rogers, Marisa Silvestri and Imogen Tyler – directly question the socio-political frames through which the riots and rioters were viewed. 

Race and the 2011 riots: Race was both present and absent in the interpretation of the riots. This complexity is discussed by Marisa Silvestri and Antoine Rogers, and other contributors, including Lisa Mckenzie, Leah Bassel, Emma Casey and Laura Harvey, Jessica Ringrose and Rosalind Gill, trace empirically the workings of race in shaping riotous events and subjects.

Protest? Looting? Shopping with violence?: A key issue addressed in this special section is the relationship between consumerism, identity, the riots and the imagined possibilities for political action. Analyses by Emma Casey, Tracey Jensen, Lisa Mckenzie and Laura Harvey and colleagues unravel the ‘politics’ evident in the implied consumer impulses of the riots.

Classification, marginalization and morality: Through analysis of media and policy discourse, a great number of contributors examine the perpetuation of powerful myths about poverty and disadvantage which divorce the suffering of the poorest from broader social, legal, political and economic conditions. This is part of a shared political and theoretical project that challenges the attempts of political elites to disassociate the riots from economic inequalities and social divisions which characterise the contemporary.

The riots and public sociology: attending, collaborating, speaking and listening: Finally, several of the papers – specifically those by Leah Bassel, Harriet Cooper and Ester McGeeney – engage with the relationship between the riots and public sociology; that is, the role and responsibility of academics to engage with contemporary ‘crises’. Collectively, we argue, the pieces in this special section are a fitting and explicit – but my no means unproblematic or complete – contribution to that project.

The effects of the 2011 riots will continue to reverberate and ripple in this landscape of deepening cuts, divisions, widening inequalities. We see these reverberations in both the continued and mounting suffering of populations who have been discarded by the state and in the forms of resistance and calls for revolution that are happening in the present. This collection provides no clear answers but rather carries an insistence on the importance of grappling with the complexity of the contemporary. Indeed, the collection calls on us all to be 'riotous subjects' – to keep listening, questioning, disrupting, revolting. In looking back as well as forward, it leaves us with many important questions: Where are we now? Where are we going? And, how do we make sociology 'travel' so that we can produce a more equitable and sustainable future?

References

Ahmed, S. (2007) 'Multiculturalism and the promise of happiness', New Formations, 63(1): 121-137.

Back, L. (2007) The Art of Listening. Oxford and New York, Berg.



This blog sets the scene for a special section of Sociological Research Online published in November 2013. To view the articles of the articles that make up the special section please go to: http://www.socresonline.org.uk/